In Hong Kong these days, conflicting views of the ongoing anti-government protests are painfully felt in Yuen Long, a town far to the northwest of the glittering skyscrapers on Hong Kong island. It's famed for its cuisine and ancestral temples — and for its pro-Beijing sympathies. On the night of July 21, dozens of men wearing white shirts stormed the Yuen Long metro station twice, assaulting protesters and bystanders trapped inside. At least 45 were injured.
Pro-democracy activists suspected that Beijing-funded triads were behind the attacks. Yuen Long, closer to the border with mainland China than it is to Hong Kong island, has historically been a stronghold of triad activity. But residents of Yuen Long insist the attacks were in self-defense, initiated by clan networks, fearful that protesters would destroy their villages.
"What are you going to do when someone wants to come to your house and wants to burn down your property and rape your women? Are you going to sit there and wait for it to happen?" says Paul, a 68-year-old resident of Nam Pin Wai, a so-called "indigenous" village — where residents' ancestors predated British colonial rule — just steps away from the Yuen Long metro station. Nam Pin Wai is where the white-shirted assailants retreated after beating protesters on July 21. According to local media, the village is also the territory of a well-known triad group, Wo Shing Wo.
Paul declined to give his full name for fear of reprisals by protesters. But he was unapologetic about his fellow villagers beating the protesters. "We are not going to be sitting ducks. We are not chicken****," he declared, using an expletive.
Caught between an encroaching, urbanizing Hong Kong and a rising China, the indigenous villages have chosen to ally with the latter. That has pitted them against the thousands of protesters who have taken to Hong Kong's streets for more than four months, demanding democratic reforms and the end to a now-terminated extradition bill with mainland China.
"We are part of China. We were handed back [to China] in 1997," says Wong, resident of Nam Pin Wai in his late 60s, who also declined to give his full name because pro-Beijing people have been beaten up by protesters and because he distrusts foreign media. "We should not expect the United States or the United Kingdom to help us. We can only rely on China."
"I hope they value what we are"
Yuen Long lies squarely within Hong Kong's New Territories, a tract of land temporarily leased from the Qing empire in 1898 by British colonial rulers to expand their cramped holdings on Hong Kong island and Kowloon. The expiration of that lease prompted negotiations for Hong Kong's eventual handover to China in 1997. Residents of centuries-old indigenous villages that dot the New Territories have maintained stronger cultural ties to the mainland than the rest of Hong Kong.
Lawmaker Junius Ho, who represents the western swath of the New Territories encompassing Yuen Long, has become a prominent pro-China advocate, even scoring an invitation to Beijing for high-profile celebrations of the Communist Party's70th year in power this month. Video from the night of July 21 shows Ho shaking hands with some of the white-shirted assailants who attacked protesters. Ho did not respond to NPR's requests for an interview.
Among the protesters, Ho is so reviled that they have affixed posters of his face to sidewalks for irreverent pedestrians to step on.
Politically, indigenous inhabitants in Yuen Long say they support the Chinese Communist Party not so much out of a love for China's governance system, but from a fear of it.
"The Chinese Communist Party could squash us in an instant. We are a piece of cake," says Wong, warning that increasingly violent protests risk the ire of Beijing and could pull the city into complete chaos.
Fearing Hong Kong protesters would smash or deface houses with graffiti, Nam Pin Wai villagers have created volunteer patrols to scare off stray protesters who come near the village on weekends. Some residents say when they heard protesters were descending on Yuen Long in July, they evacuated women and children.
"We enjoy special privileges," says Paul, referring to Hong Kong's rule of law and access to international financial systems. Protesters, he fears, will invite only further violence, destroying those institutions: "I hope they value what we are. Don't screw it up. Don't spoil it."
He fully supports Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam's controversial decision to use emergency powers beginning Oct. 4 and hopes emergency powers will give Hong Kong's government the means to halt protests completely — and thus head off any intervention from Beijing.
Colonial-era emergency powers allow Lam to bypass Hong Kong's legislative council to enact any security measure she deems necessary during times of public danger. Tens of thousands of protesters marched peacefully on Oct. 6 against a ban on face masks invoked under emergency powers, fearing that more draconian curtailing of civil liberties may lie ahead.
Ip Kwok-him, a Hong Kong official who sits on mainland China's legislative body, told a local radio station soon after the Oct. 6 march that Internet controls are not off the table under the emergency regulation. Ip declined to be interviewed for this story.
New residents, new tensions
Ironically, Hong Kong's indigenous villages exist today because of revolution. Linked by clan networks once accustomed to fending off pirate attacks, the villages also mounted some of Hong Kong's most aggressive resistance to British colonial rule.
Those tensions culminated in the bloody Six-Day War of 1899, an armed rebellion the British quickly wiped out. But the conflict secured the indigenous inhabitants more expansive land rights that continue to allow them to build their own residences on land passed down through the male line. Those privileges have cushioned them from Hong Kong's onerous property prices and allowed some to amass fortunes through the sale or leasing of such land.
That has stoked periodic resentment from other Hong Kong residents, who must pay a substantial fee to build on land they own.
Yet in the last few decades, indigenous villages have absorbed waves of new residents, seeking a respite from Hong Kong's high rents and dense urban neighborhoods, and bringing with them with different political beliefs.
"People hear Yuen Long now and think that everyone here is violent and against the protests, but that is a misconception," says a 19-year old student surnamed Kong, born and raised in Nam Pin Wai and having lunch with his family at a local restaurant. He said he supports the protests, but declined to provide his full name because of how divisive the topic has become in the small village.
Sitting only a few tables away from the Kong family, other lunch-goers loudly proclaim that American and British forces are paying anti-China protesters to take to the streets. The theory is heavily propagated by Chinese state-linked disinformation campaigns on Twitter and by Communist Party-backed news outlets on the mainland.
Ideally, say many villagers, they would be left alone — by both Hong Kong and China.
"We need to stand alone," says a Yuen Long resident who provided only her surname as Tsang, citing sensitivity over her viewpoint among protesters. "You should not blindly follow one side or the other."
Karen Kwok contributed reporting from Hong Kong.
NOEL KING, HOST:
Two million people, which is nearly a third of Hong Kong's population, marched in peaceful opposition to an extradition bill with China back in June. Now, those protests have continued, but not always peacefully. Not everyone in Hong Kong supports them. There have been counterprotests. There have been attacks on activists. Some people support Beijing. NPR's Beijing correspondent Emily Feng went to a pro-Beijing district in Hong Kong.
(SOUNDBITE OF BIRDS CHIRPING)
EMILY FENG, BYLINE: Nam Pin Wai is closer to the border with mainland China than it is to the glittering hustle and bustle of Hong Kong Island. It's one of the so-called indigenous villages in the city's new territories, a northern region that makes up more than 85% of Hong Kong's landmass. Indigenous villages are populated by people whose ancestral roots predate Chinese Communist Party rule, British colonial rule, even the Qing empire, which leased the New Territories to the British in 1898. They're peaceful enclaves in urban Hong Kong, except on the night of July 21.
(SOUNDBITE OF SHOUTING)
FENG: Dozens of white-shirted assailants attacked protesters trapped inside a metro station near here that night, injuring at least 45. Then the assailants fled here to the village of Nam Pin Wai, which has long had links to organized crime. The assault fueled speculation in a city already paranoid about mainland Chinese interference that Beijing is directing opposition to the protests.
FENG: A local restaurant owner who was serving me lunch gave me a pointed warning. You need to be careful here, she told me. I do not suggest you look for those gangsters. On a recent October day reporting in the village, I was told repeatedly to leave for my own safety.
PAUL: I don't want you guys to come to our village anymore (ph). You are not welcome.
FENG: He's saying, you are not welcome. This is Paul, a 68-year-old resident of Nam Pin Wai. His grandparents were poor farmers. His parents did odd jobs to send him to university in Canada. But Paul always knew he would come back. He's seen the world, and that has made him fiercely protective of his homeland. Like everyone we spoke to, he refused to give a full name because of fear of reprisals from protesters.
PAUL: (Through interpreter) You come to my village, you come to my house, we'll fight back. That's it - period.
FENG: Paul says the attacks on July 21 in the Yuen Long metro were not orchestrated by gangs. They were family clans defending their centuries-old villages just like they did against pirates hundreds of years ago and the British during an armed rebellion called the Six Days War in 1899. The rebellion was quickly squashed, but it won the villages special land rights they still enjoy today.
Now they say Hong Kong's protesters, who smashed stores and graffitied homes, are the ones threatening their way of life.
PAUL: (Through interpreter) So what are you going to do when somebody comes to your house and wants to burn down your property and rape your woman? Are you going to just sit there waiting for it to happen? No, we are not. We are not chicken [expletive].
FENG: Nam Pin Wai is in the district New Territories West, represented by lawmaker Junius Ho, the most well-known advocate of a growing pro-China movement in Hong Kong. Video from the night of July 21 shows Ho shaking hands with some of the white-shirted assailants who attacked protesters. Wong, another local resident of Nam Pin Wai, supports Ho and the attackers.
WONG: (Through interpreter) We were handed back in 1997. Hong Kong is China. The whole world recognizes this reality.
FENG: But Wong says his district is pro-Beijing not because they love the Chinese Communist Party. It's because they fear it.
WONG: (Through interpreter) If they wanted to, the Chinese Communist Party could crush us. We are a piece of cake.
FENG: Then, Hong Kong's jobs, transportation systems, its rule of law - it would all crumble, Wong argues. That's why he supports Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam's decision to invoke emergency powers that allow her to pass any security measure she deems is in the public interest. Tens of thousands marched peacefully against the measure because they fear further erosion of civil liberties - not Wong in Nam Pin Wai.
WONG: (Through interpreter) I didn't break the law. Why should I care about emergency powers?
FENG: But Nam Pin Wai is also a village divided. In the last two decades, newcomers have moved into the indigenous villages. They're seeking more space, lower rents, and they're bringing with them different political viewpoints. Here's Kong, a 19-year-old student who was born and raised here.
KONG: (Through interpreter) People think that we are all violent and pro-government, and that's a misconception. There are many people living in this village who support the protests and who attend rallies.
FENG: Those divisions in the village are why one Nam Pin Wai-born resident named Tsang said people need to remain independent of what goes on in Hong Kong.
TSANG: (Through interpreter) We have to stand on our own. We should not blindly follow one side or the other.
FENG: Most of all, Tsang muses, residents just wish to be left alone, both by Hongkongers and by Beijing.
Emily Feng, NPR News, the New Territories, Hong Kong. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.